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China Agricultural University PhD, application-and-assessment track Institutional Economics: practice questions

China Agricultural University PhD, application-and-assessment track (Agricultural Economics & Management) · China · China Agricultural University College of Economics & Management

Original practice questions written to the published syllabus · not past papers
10worked here, free
47written to this exam in this subject
8syllabus units

What this subject covers

Why institutions and transaction costs matter for how agricultural resources are used, and how agrarian institutions such as tenancy work.

In the exams: agricultural economics PhD entrance and fellowship examinations (light)

Where the 47 questions fall

How our questions for China Agricultural University PhD, application-and-assessment track spread across the units of Institutional Economics. Difficulty: 0 easy, 20 medium, 27 hard.

Institutional change8
Institutions and resource allocation8
Tenancy and sharecropping7
Transaction costs6
Interlinked agrarian markets6
Institutions and institutional economics4
Collective action and the group approach4
Property rights4

10 practice questions, worked

Choose an answer, then open the working. Each explanation says why the right answer is right and why the others are not.

1 · Transaction costs · hard

What did Coase himself regard as the main policy lesson of 'The Problem of Social Cost'?

  1. Since real transaction costs are positive, the legal assignment of rights and the choice of institution affect efficiency
  2. Since property rights are costly, all externality problems should be solved through public ownership of resources
  3. Since harm is reciprocal, the party causing physical damage should always be taxed at the rate of marginal damage
  4. Since bargaining always reaches efficiency, the state need never intervene in disputes over harmful effects
Answer and working

A. Since real transaction costs are positive, the legal assignment of rights and the choice of institution affect efficiency

Coase stressed that the zero-cost world is a benchmark; because transaction costs are positive, law and institutional choice matter, and each remedy (liability, regulation, tax, merger) must be compared at its real cost. The 'never intervene' reading is a common misreading; automatic Pigovian taxation and blanket public ownership were exactly the one-size answers he criticised.

Further reading: Coase 1960; Coase 1988

2 · Institutional change · medium

North (1990) explained why inefficient institutions can persist for long periods mainly by

  1. the fact that competition between societies quickly eliminates any institution that does not maximise output
  2. increasing returns and path dependence, together with the interests of organisations created under existing rules
  3. the zero transaction costs of political markets, which always let the losers from a reform compensate the gainers
  4. the assumption that all agents hold the same accurate model of the economy and so agree on reform
Answer and working

B. increasing returns and path dependence, together with the interests of organisations created under existing rules

North rejected the efficiency view: institutions are set by those with bargaining power, show increasing returns (set-up, learning, coordination, adaptive expectations) and create organisations with a stake in them, so inefficient paths can lock in. Rapid competitive elimination, zero political transaction costs and shared accurate models are the assumptions he rejected.

Further reading: North 1990

3 · Institutional change · medium

China's household responsibility system, spreading from about 1978, is a standard example of institutional change because it

  1. transferred full private ownership of farmland, including the right to sell it, to individual rural households
  2. abolished state grain procurement and let all prices be set by world markets from the start
  3. replaced household farming with large state farms run by salaried managers and wage workers
  4. returned farming decisions and residual output to households while land stayed collectively owned
Answer and working

D. returned farming decisions and residual output to households while land stayed collectively owned

Under the household responsibility system households contracted for land from the collective, delivered a quota and kept the residual, which sharply improved incentives; land ownership remained collective, so full private ownership did not occur. It moved away from, not toward, state farms, and procurement and price reforms were gradual.

Further reading: Lin 1992

4 · Institutions and resource allocation · hard

A contract gives a farmer 150 per season more than his next-best option. He discounts each future season by a factor of 0.8 and expects to be dropped permanently if he side-sells. This season side-selling would gain 400. Will he side-sell?

  1. No: the present value of future contract gains, 150 × 0.8 / 0.2 = 600, exceeds the 400 gain
  2. Yes: the 400 gain exceeds the 150 surplus he would lose in the next season alone
  3. No: the present value of future gains is 150 / 0.8 = 187.5, which exceeds the 150
  4. Yes: the present value of future gains is 150 × 0.8 = 120, which is below 400
Answer and working

A. No: the present value of future contract gains, 150 × 0.8 / 0.2 = 600, exceeds the 400 gain

The relational contract holds if the one-time gain is less than the present value of the future surplus lost: PV = 150δ/(1 − δ) = 150 × 0.8 / 0.2 = 600 > 400, so he does not side-sell. Comparing with only next season (150) or only one discounted season (120) ignores the stream of future seasons; 150/0.8 is not the formula and compares the wrong quantities.

Further reading: Relational contracts; Baker, Gibbons and Murphy

5 · Property rights · hard

Besley (1995) found that stronger land rights were associated with more tree planting in parts of Ghana but cautioned about interpretation. Why?

  1. Tree planting is a consumption good, so it cannot be counted as investment in any economic analysis
  2. Stronger rights always reduce investment, so the correlation must reflect an omitted price effect
  3. Planting trees can itself strengthen land claims, so investment may cause rights rather than rights cause investment
  4. Ghanaian land is entirely state-owned, so measured rights can only be a statistical error in the survey
Answer and working

C. Planting trees can itself strengthen land claims, so investment may cause rights rather than rights cause investment

In many customary systems planting trees helps establish a claim, so causation can run from investment to rights; Besley used instruments to address this. Tree planting is investment; Ghanaian land is largely under customary tenure, not entirely state-owned; theory predicts rights raise investment, not reduce it.

Further reading: Besley 1995

6 · Property rights · hard

Barzel's analysis of property rights adds which insight to Demsetz's?

  1. Rights are irrelevant to efficiency because competitive markets allocate resources well under any rights
  2. Rights are always complete once a title is issued, so the cost of measuring attributes is irrelevant to allocation
  3. Rights emerge only through state legislation and never through private agreement or custom among users
  4. Rights are never complete; attributes too costly to measure are left in the public domain and people spend resources capturing them
Answer and working

D. Rights are never complete; attributes too costly to measure are left in the public domain and people spend resources capturing them

Barzel emphasised that because measuring every attribute of an asset is costly, rights are partly delineated, leaving some value in the 'public domain' to be captured, which shapes contracts and organisation. Titles do not make rights complete; customs and private agreements also create rights; and rights clearly affect efficiency when transaction costs are positive.

Further reading: Barzel, Economic Analysis of Property Rights

7 · Tenancy and sharecropping · hard

Output on a plot is Q = 40√L, the output price is 1 and labour's opportunity cost is 2 per unit. A sharecropper keeps half the output and bears all labour costs. How much labour does he apply, and how much would a fixed-rent tenant apply?

  1. 25 units as a sharecropper and 50 units as a fixed-rent tenant
  2. 100 units as a sharecropper and 400 units as a fixed-rent tenant
  3. 25 units as a sharecropper and 100 units as a fixed-rent tenant
  4. 50 units as a sharecropper and 100 units as a fixed-rent tenant
Answer and working

C. 25 units as a sharecropper and 100 units as a fixed-rent tenant

MP of labour = 20/√L. Fixed-rent tenant: 20/√L = 2, √L = 10, L = 100. Sharecropper: 0.5 × 20/√L = 2, √L = 5, L = 25. Halving the share cuts labour to a quarter here, not a half, because MP falls with √L; 400 is the fixed-rent output, not labour.

Further reading: Marshall; Ray, Development Economics

8 · Tenancy and sharecropping · hard

A tenant keeps half the output of Q = 60√F, where F is fertiliser, the output price is 1 and fertiliser costs 1.5 per unit. The tenant pays all fertiliser costs. How much fertiliser does he apply, compared with an owner-cultivator?

  1. 400 units, against 100 for an owner-cultivator
  2. 200 units, against 400 for an owner-cultivator
  3. 100 units, against 200 for an owner-cultivator
  4. 100 units, against 400 for an owner-cultivator
Answer and working

D. 100 units, against 400 for an owner-cultivator

MP of F = 30/√F. Owner: 30/√F = 1.5, √F = 20, F = 400. Tenant: 0.5 × 30/√F = 1.5, √F = 10, F = 100. Fertiliser falls to a quarter, not a half, because MP falls with √F; the reversed pair swaps the two cases.

Further reading: Heady 1947; Marshall

9 · Interlinked agrarian markets · medium

Braverman and Stiglitz (1982) showed that a landlord who also lends to his sharecropper

  1. can use the loan terms to influence the tenant's effort, partly offsetting the share contract's disincentive
  2. will always block technical change because it reduces the tenant's need to borrow
  3. cannot affect the tenant's behaviour, because credit and land markets are independent
  4. must charge the market interest rate, since any other rate would generally be illegal
Answer and working

A. can use the loan terms to influence the tenant's effort, partly offsetting the share contract's disincentive

In their model interlinkage lets the landlord design credit terms that raise the tenant's effort, so interlinkage can be an efficiency-enhancing response to moral hazard. The 'always block' claim is Bhaduri's view, which they argued does not generally hold; independence of markets is what interlinkage denies; legality is not the issue.

Further reading: Braverman and Stiglitz 1982

10 · Interlinked agrarian markets · medium

Aleem's (1990) study of informal moneylenders in Chambar, Pakistan, found that their high interest rates mainly reflected

  1. government interest-rate ceilings that forced lenders to charge above the ceiling
  2. high screening, collection and default costs rather than large monopoly profits
  3. large monopoly profits, since lenders faced no competition from other lenders
  4. the very low cost of lending, which attracted too many lenders to the market
Answer and working

B. high screening, collection and default costs rather than large monopoly profits

Aleem measured lenders' costs and found that high rates were close to average costs, which were high because of screening, chasing repayment and defaults; monopolistic competition rather than pure monopoly profit. Ceilings and low costs are inconsistent with the findings.

Further reading: Aleem 1990

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Institutional EconomicsThe full study manual, free China Agricultural University PhD, application-and-assessment trackFormat, sections and how it has changed

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