China Agricultural University PhD, application-and-assessment track (Agricultural Economics & Management) · China · China Agricultural University College of Economics & Management
Original practice questions written to the published syllabus · not past papersWhy institutions and transaction costs matter for how agricultural resources are used, and how agrarian institutions such as tenancy work.
In the exams: agricultural economics PhD entrance and fellowship examinations (light)
How our questions for China Agricultural University PhD, application-and-assessment track spread across the units of Institutional Economics. Difficulty: 0 easy, 20 medium, 27 hard.
| Institutional change | 8 | |
| Institutions and resource allocation | 8 | |
| Tenancy and sharecropping | 7 | |
| Transaction costs | 6 | |
| Interlinked agrarian markets | 6 | |
| Institutions and institutional economics | 4 | |
| Collective action and the group approach | 4 | |
| Property rights | 4 |
Choose an answer, then open the working. Each explanation says why the right answer is right and why the others are not.
What did Coase himself regard as the main policy lesson of 'The Problem of Social Cost'?
A. Since real transaction costs are positive, the legal assignment of rights and the choice of institution affect efficiency
Coase stressed that the zero-cost world is a benchmark; because transaction costs are positive, law and institutional choice matter, and each remedy (liability, regulation, tax, merger) must be compared at its real cost. The 'never intervene' reading is a common misreading; automatic Pigovian taxation and blanket public ownership were exactly the one-size answers he criticised.
Further reading: Coase 1960; Coase 1988
North (1990) explained why inefficient institutions can persist for long periods mainly by
B. increasing returns and path dependence, together with the interests of organisations created under existing rules
North rejected the efficiency view: institutions are set by those with bargaining power, show increasing returns (set-up, learning, coordination, adaptive expectations) and create organisations with a stake in them, so inefficient paths can lock in. Rapid competitive elimination, zero political transaction costs and shared accurate models are the assumptions he rejected.
Further reading: North 1990
China's household responsibility system, spreading from about 1978, is a standard example of institutional change because it
D. returned farming decisions and residual output to households while land stayed collectively owned
Under the household responsibility system households contracted for land from the collective, delivered a quota and kept the residual, which sharply improved incentives; land ownership remained collective, so full private ownership did not occur. It moved away from, not toward, state farms, and procurement and price reforms were gradual.
Further reading: Lin 1992
A contract gives a farmer 150 per season more than his next-best option. He discounts each future season by a factor of 0.8 and expects to be dropped permanently if he side-sells. This season side-selling would gain 400. Will he side-sell?
A. No: the present value of future contract gains, 150 × 0.8 / 0.2 = 600, exceeds the 400 gain
The relational contract holds if the one-time gain is less than the present value of the future surplus lost: PV = 150δ/(1 − δ) = 150 × 0.8 / 0.2 = 600 > 400, so he does not side-sell. Comparing with only next season (150) or only one discounted season (120) ignores the stream of future seasons; 150/0.8 is not the formula and compares the wrong quantities.
Further reading: Relational contracts; Baker, Gibbons and Murphy
Besley (1995) found that stronger land rights were associated with more tree planting in parts of Ghana but cautioned about interpretation. Why?
C. Planting trees can itself strengthen land claims, so investment may cause rights rather than rights cause investment
In many customary systems planting trees helps establish a claim, so causation can run from investment to rights; Besley used instruments to address this. Tree planting is investment; Ghanaian land is largely under customary tenure, not entirely state-owned; theory predicts rights raise investment, not reduce it.
Further reading: Besley 1995
Barzel's analysis of property rights adds which insight to Demsetz's?
D. Rights are never complete; attributes too costly to measure are left in the public domain and people spend resources capturing them
Barzel emphasised that because measuring every attribute of an asset is costly, rights are partly delineated, leaving some value in the 'public domain' to be captured, which shapes contracts and organisation. Titles do not make rights complete; customs and private agreements also create rights; and rights clearly affect efficiency when transaction costs are positive.
Further reading: Barzel, Economic Analysis of Property Rights
Output on a plot is Q = 40√L, the output price is 1 and labour's opportunity cost is 2 per unit. A sharecropper keeps half the output and bears all labour costs. How much labour does he apply, and how much would a fixed-rent tenant apply?
C. 25 units as a sharecropper and 100 units as a fixed-rent tenant
MP of labour = 20/√L. Fixed-rent tenant: 20/√L = 2, √L = 10, L = 100. Sharecropper: 0.5 × 20/√L = 2, √L = 5, L = 25. Halving the share cuts labour to a quarter here, not a half, because MP falls with √L; 400 is the fixed-rent output, not labour.
Further reading: Marshall; Ray, Development Economics
A tenant keeps half the output of Q = 60√F, where F is fertiliser, the output price is 1 and fertiliser costs 1.5 per unit. The tenant pays all fertiliser costs. How much fertiliser does he apply, compared with an owner-cultivator?
D. 100 units, against 400 for an owner-cultivator
MP of F = 30/√F. Owner: 30/√F = 1.5, √F = 20, F = 400. Tenant: 0.5 × 30/√F = 1.5, √F = 10, F = 100. Fertiliser falls to a quarter, not a half, because MP falls with √F; the reversed pair swaps the two cases.
Further reading: Heady 1947; Marshall
Braverman and Stiglitz (1982) showed that a landlord who also lends to his sharecropper
A. can use the loan terms to influence the tenant's effort, partly offsetting the share contract's disincentive
In their model interlinkage lets the landlord design credit terms that raise the tenant's effort, so interlinkage can be an efficiency-enhancing response to moral hazard. The 'always block' claim is Bhaduri's view, which they argued does not generally hold; independence of markets is what interlinkage denies; legality is not the issue.
Further reading: Braverman and Stiglitz 1982
Aleem's (1990) study of informal moneylenders in Chambar, Pakistan, found that their high interest rates mainly reflected
B. high screening, collection and default costs rather than large monopoly profits
Aleem measured lenders' costs and found that high rates were close to average costs, which were high because of screening, chasing repayment and defaults; monopolistic competition rather than pure monopoly profit. Ceilings and low costs are inconsistent with the findings.
Further reading: Aleem 1990
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