Harper Adams MSc International Agri-Business · UK · Harper Adams University
Original practice questions written to the published syllabus · not past papersSeeing the whole chain of actors that add value to a food product, what drives it, who governs it and how producers can upgrade within it.
In the exams: agribusiness management PhD entrance and fellowship examinations (present)
How our questions for Harper Adams MSc International Agri-Business spread across the units of Agri Value Chain Management. Difficulty: 1 easy, 13 medium, 13 hard.
| Value-chain actors | 4 | |
| Global food systems | 3 | |
| External drivers: globalisation and trade | 3 | |
| External drivers: climate and technology | 3 | |
| The role of the consumer | 3 | |
| Upgrading in value chains | 3 | |
| External drivers: population and income | 2 | |
| Agri-food market dynamics | 2 | |
| Value-chain governance | 2 | |
| Value-chain thinking compared with supply-chain thinking | 1 | |
| Value-chain mapping | 1 |
Choose an answer, then open the working. Each explanation says why the right answer is right and why the others are not.
Which consequence of rapid urbanisation matters most for the design of food value chains?
A. Urban consumers buy nearly all their food, more of it processed, so longer chains move more perishables further
City dwellers depend on purchased food, raising demand for aggregation, storage, transport and processing at scale. Urban consumers in many countries still buy heavily from traditional markets and small shops, so 'only supermarkets' is wrong.
A country abolishes the state marketing board that bought all cotton at a fixed price and supplied seed and fertiliser on credit. Private ginners enter. Which outcome is most consistent with experience from such reforms?
C. Farmers' share of the export price may rise, but input credit and quality control can collapse without private coordination
Liberalisation of export-crop boards often raised producer price shares but removed input credit and quality systems; side-selling among competing ginners made input credit hard to recover, and in some chains quality fell until private coordination emerged. Neither universal decline nor automatic improvement is supported.
In a district, women manage 40 percent of the maize area with average yields of 1.5 t/ha, while men's plots yield 2.0 t/ha. If better access to inputs and advice raised women's yields to equal men's, by how much would total district maize output rise?
B. 11.1%
Per 100 ha: current output = 60 × 2.0 + 40 × 1.5 = 180 t; after closing the gap = 100 × 2.0 = 200 t. Increase = 20/180 = 11.1%. 25% is the yield gap relative to men's yield; 10% multiplies 40% by 25% but ignores that the base output is below 200 t; 33.3% is the rise on women's plots only.
A leafy vegetable that women grew and sold in local markets becomes a contract export crop, with contracts and payments registered in the name of the landholder, usually the husband. What is the most likely risk, and a sound response?
B. Income control shifts to men while women's labour rises; registering both spouses and paying the worker can counter it
Gender-sensitive analysis maps who works, who owns and who is paid. Commercialisation often moves control of a crop to men when contracts follow land title. Joint registration and paying the worker are standard responses; higher profitability does not guarantee women benefit.
In a coffee chain, 6 kg of fresh cherry yields 1 kg of green coffee. Farmers sell cherry at 0.8 CU per kg, and exporters sell green coffee free on board at 9 CU per kg. What is the farmers' share of the FOB value?
C. 53.3%
Put both on a green-coffee basis: 1 kg green needs 6 kg cherry costing 6 × 0.8 = 4.8 CU. Share = 4.8/9 = 53.3%. Dividing prices per kg directly (0.8/9 = 8.9%) compares a kilo of cherry with a kilo of green coffee, the most common basis error; 46.7% is the post-farm share; dividing by the ratio instead of multiplying gives 1.5%.
A vegetable grower considers converting to certified organic production. Conventionally she harvests 1000 kg at 2.0 CU per kg. After conversion she expects 850 kg, all sold at 2.6 CU per kg, input cost savings of 150 CU and certification costs of 120 CU. What is the change in her net return?
A. +240 CU
Revenue change = 850 × 2.6 − 1000 × 2.0 = 2210 − 2000 = 210; add savings 150 and subtract certification 120: net change = +240 CU. Assuming yield stays at 1000 kg gives +630; +210 ignores cost changes; −390 counts only the lost volume.
A retail price premium of 30 percent for a certified product does not mean farmers receive 30 percent more. Why?
C. The premium is shared along the chain and absorbs certification and marketing costs, and not all output sells as certified
The retail premium, farm-gate premium and farmer's net gain are different quantities. Studies across coffee, cocoa, tea and bananas find mixed net income effects for farmers for exactly these reasons.
A cooperative introduces a costly quality standard to win a premium export contract. Which outcome should an inclusive upgrading strategy most guard against?
B. Poorer members who cannot afford the investment being excluded while better-off members take the premium
Upgrading is not automatically inclusive; raised standards can exclude those unable to invest. Finance, group investment and attention to who controls new assets and income are standard remedies.
Which statement about climate impacts on agri-food value chains is most accurate?
A. Impacts reach beyond the farm to roads, storage, processing and quality, so the whole chain must plan for them
Heat and floods damage infrastructure and plants, shifting harvest timing disrupts processors and exporters, and quality changes affect premiums. A chain-wide view of risk is therefore needed.
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